Event Semantics of Verb Frame Alternations: A Case Study of Dutch and Its Acquisition

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ISBN: 9780815331285 | 0815331282
Cover: Hardcover
Copyright: 9/1/1998

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Using both theoretical and language acquisition arguments, this study proposes a new model of the lexicon-syntax interface defined in terms of checking event-semantic features. The research is based on Dutch verbs and their possible verb frames (intransitive, transitive, etc.) and two studies of children's Dutch. The model developed from these cases represents more generally the way in which Universal Grammar organizes the lexicon of a language and the mapping system that associates a verb's lexical features with its syntactic projection.

Preface

1 Lexicon Theories: State of the Art

(34)

1.1 Goals of this chapter

(1)

1.2 The Mapping Problem

(2)

1.3 Lexical Primitives and mapping theories

(19)

1.3.1 Argument-centered mapping

(11)

1.3.2 Mapping governed by aspectual features

(7)

1.4 A challenge for mapping systems: lexical-syntactic flexibility

(8)

1.4.1 Different approaches to lexical-syntatic flexibility

(2)

1.4.2 An illustration of different approaches to lexical-syntatic flexibility

(6)

1.5 Summary: the state of the art of lexicon and mapping theories

(2)

Notes

(2)

2 Verb Frame Alternations in Dutch

(56)

2.1 Goals of this Chapter

(2)

2.2 Terminology and types of verb frame alternations

(6)

2.2.1 Terminology

(6)

2.2.2 Types of verb frame alternations

(4)

2.3 Position-varying arguments

(18)

2.3.1 An argument maps onto direct or indirect internal argument position

(10)

2.3.2 An argument maps onto internal or external argument position

(4)

2.3.3 An argument projects as head or maximal projection

(3)

2.3.4 Summarizing position-varying alternations

(1)

2.4 Additional arguments

(7)

2.5 Optional arguments

(10)

2.6 Suppressed agruments

(10)

2.6.1 Passivization

(6)

2.6.2 Middle formation

(3)

2.7 Summary: lexical-syntactic flexibility in Dutch

(2)

2.8 Notes

(3)

3 Event Type-Shifting

(64)

3.1 Goals of this chapter

(1)

3.2 Lexical-syntatic flexibility: different views of the same event

(6)

3.2.1 Empirical questions about lexical-syntatic flexibility

(2)

3.2.2 Toward the answers: event type-shifting

(4)

3.3 Event Structure preliminaries

101

(7)

3.4 Atelic-telic event type-shifting

108

(19)

3.4.1 Transitivity alternations and atelic-telic event type-shifting

109

(10)

3.4.2 Resultative formation and atelic-telic event type-shifting

119

(6)

3.4.3 Generalizing over atelic-telic alternations

125

(2)

3.5 Causativizing the event

127

(18)

3.5.1 Causative alternations without event type-shifting

128

(6)

3.5.2 Causative alternations with event type-shifting

134

(9)

3.5.3 Generalizing over causative alternations

143

(2)

3.6 Different foci on the event

147

(7)

3.6.1 Alternations with different foci on the event

146

(5)

3.6.2 Generalizing over alternations with different foci on the event

151

(1)

3.7 Summary: the empirical domain of lexical-syntactic flexibility

152

(2)

Notes

154

(4)

4 The Lexicon and the Lexicon-Syntax Interface: the CHESS Model

157

(138)

4.1 Goals of this chapter

158

(2)

Part I: Initial considerations on the lexicon and the lexicon-syntax interface

160

(21)

4.2 A generative lexicon or an unpredictable dictionary?

160

(21)

4.3 Evaluation criteria for lexicon and mapping theories

167

(14)

4.4 A critique of agrument-centred mapping theories

168

(2)

4.4.1 Argument-centered mapping theories

168

(2)

4.4.2 Methodological problems with the lexical primitives

170

(2)

4.4.3 Arguments versus non-arguments: Too strong a dichotomy

172

(3)

4.4.4 Descripitive problems

175

(2)

4.4.5 Arbitrariness of lexical rules

177

(1)

4.4.6 Failure to generalize across alternations

178

(2)

4.4.7 Summary: problems of argument-centered mapping theories

180

(1)

Part II: The nature of the lexical primitives

181

(69)

4.5 Event participants

182

(7)

4.5.1 A definition of the notion event participant

182

(2)

4.5.2 Are PPs event participants?

184

(3)

4.5.3 Event participants in davidsonian and neo-devidsonian views

187

(2)

4.6 Event participants are a lexical primitive

189

(21)

4.6.1 Can event participants be derived from event structure?

189

(7)

4.6.2 Deconstructing event participant features: agentivity

196

(2)

4.6.3 Deriving the agentivity of event participant

198

(10)

4.6.4 Consequences of deriving the agentivity of event participants

208

(2)

4.7 Event type features are a lexical primitive

210

(40)

4.7.1 Deconstructing atelic-telic event type-shifting: event type composition

212

(23)

4.7.2 Deconstructing atelic-telic event type-shifting: a temporal scale

235

(4)

4.7.3 Deconstructing causativization

239

(6)

4.7.4 An illustration with some verbs and their event type features

245

(5)

Part III: The nature of the lexicon-syntax interface

250

(45)

4.8 A new approach: mapping is checking event-semantic structure

251

(21)

4.8.2 The identification of an event

251

(1)

4.8.2 Telicity features and the Case of the object

252

(8)

4.8.3 The CHESS mapping system: checking event-sematic structure

260

(10)

4.8.4 Summary: a checking approach to mapping

270

(2)

4.9 Tension between a systematic and an idiosyncratic lexicon

272

(9)

4.9.1 Possible versus actual complex verbs

272

(3)

4.9.2 Systematic versus idiosyncratic meaning effects in Complex verbs

275

(3)

4.9.3 The productivity of lexical-syntactic flexibility

278

(3)

4.10 Implications for the lexicon and the lexicon-syntax interface

281

(7)

4.10.1 Positioning the CHESS model among other mapping systems

281

(5)

4.10.2 Summary: the CHESS model

286

(2)

Notes

288

(7)

5 Learning Verbs: Learning Light Verbs

295

(22)

5.1 Goal of this chapter

295

(1)

5.2 Light verb in Dutch

296

(6)

5.3 Light-verb learning is light verb-learning

302

(5)

5.4 A longitudinal study: light verbs in child Dutch

307

(7)

5.5 Discussion and conclusions

314

(2)

Notes

316

(1)

6 Learning Verbs: Learning Intransitive Verbs

317

(52)

6.1 Goals of this chapter

318

(1)

6.2 Unaccussativity in Dutch

319

(9)

6.2.1 The phenomenon of unaccusativity

319

(3)

6.2.2 Unaccusative diagnostics the Dutch

322

(6)

6.3 Unaccusativity in the CHESS model

328

(7)

6.4 Learning intransitive verbs

335

(7)

6.4.1 The learning task

336

(1)

6.4.2 Unaccusativity and semantic versus syntactic bootstrapping

337

(2)

6.4.3 Unaccusativity and the Strong Continuity versus Maturation hypotheses

339

(3)

6.5 An experimental study: unaccusativity in child and adult Dutch

342

(16)

6.5.1 Experimental design and predictions

343

(1)

6.5.2 Method

344

(6)

6.5.3 Results

350

(5)

6.5.4 Discussion

355

(3)

6.6 General discussion of the unaccusativity experiment

358

(6)

6.6.1 Conclusions for the CHESS model

358

(5)

6.6.2 Conclusions for learning unaccusativity

363

(1)

6.7 Summary: learning intransitive verbs in the CHESS model

364

(2)

Notes

366

(3)

Conclusions

369

(4)

Appendices

373

(8)

Appendix 1

373

(2)

Appendix 2

375

(3)

Appendix 3

378

(3)

References

381

(18)

Index

399

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Event Semantics of Verb Frame Alternations: A Case Study of Dutch and Its Acquisition

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