Annual Editions : American Foreign Policy 03/04, by Hastedt, Glenn P.
- ISBN: 9780072839739 | 0072839732
- Cover: Paperback
- Copyright: 12/3/2002
UNIT 1. The United States and the World: Strategic Choices
1. The New Rome Meets the New Barbarians, The Economist, March 23, 2002
Joseph Nye cautions that the new conventional wisdom that the United States is all-powerful is dangerous because it leads to a foreign policy that combines unilateralism, arrogance, and parochialism. In a global information age the United States cannot achieve its objectives by acting alone but must be prepared to pursue a multilateral foreign policy.
2. The Eagle Has Crash Landed, Immanuel Wallerstein, Foreign Policy, July/August 2002
The United States has become the powerless superpower, according to Immanuel Wallerstein. The same economic, political, and military factors that gave rise to American hegemony are now leading to its inevitable decline. The key question today is, Can the United States devise a way to descend gracefully or will it crash-land in a rapid and dangerous fall?
3. The Lonely Superpower, Samuel P. Huntington, Foreign Affairs, March/April 1999
Samuel Huntington argues that while the world is not unipolar, the United States is acting as if it is. In doing so, the United States is becoming increasingly isolated from other states, and it is taking on the characteristics of a rogue superpower.
4. U.S. Foreign Policy After September 11, Craig Eisendrath, USA Today Magazine (Society for the Advancement of Education), May 2002
The author presents the outlines of an alternative strategy in the war against terrorism that is multilateral and liberal internationalist in spirit. It builds upon the strategy embraced by the United States at the end of World War II. Craig Eisendrath calls for strengthening the United Nations, advancing human rights, creating an International Criminal Court, and promoting economic and social development.
5. Phony War, Mark Helprin, National Review, April 22, 2002
Mark Halperin is highly critical of the Bush administration’s approach to fighting a global war on terrorism. He faults Bush for failing to pursue a massive across-the-board buildup of American military power that would allow it to act unilateraly in combating terrorism. Halperin is also crticial of the administration’s failure to understand the dynamics of world politics by abandoning the two-war policy.
6. The Liberty Doctrine: Reclaiming the Purpose of American Power, Michael McFaul, Policy Review, April/May 2002
For Michael McFaul, the key question raised by the U.S. response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, does not center on winning battles in Afghanistan. It is what comes next. He proposes that a foreign policy dedicated to promoting individual freedoms abroad is the answer. McFaul presents a three-step program for accomplishing this goal.
UNIT 2. The United States and the World: Regional and Bilateral Relations
Part A. Russia
7. Realism About Russia, William E. Odom, The National Interest, Fall 2001
According to William Odom, Americans incorrectly view Russia as an emerging liberal democracy. Russia has become a “normal country.” It is weak, poor, and ambling along headed nowhere in particular. On the international scene, Russia is not acting constructively in international affairs because of how it views the West.
Part B. Europe
8. Estranged Partners, Jessica T. Mathews, Foreign Policy, November/December 2001
The author reviews points of disagreement between the United States and its European allies before and after the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks. Jessica Matthews cautions that Europe can no longer be treated as a junior partner and that the United States through its actions may be pushing the European Union toward a more coherent and activist foreign policy than it would otherwise be capable of.
9. All That NATO Can Be: To Prague and Beyond, Charles Gati, The National Interest, Summer 2002
NATO was bypassed and its importance in U.S. strategic thinking downplayed in the initial phase of the war against terrorism. Charles Gati argues that a new strategy and rationale are needed for NATO. This is especially important since NATO is set to expand again. He asserts that the proper way to view NATO’s expansion is as a marathon and not a sprint.
10. Germany, Japan and the War on Terror, Thomas U. Berger, Society, July/August 2002
The author argues against being overly dismissive of the roles that Germany and Japan play in the U.S.–led war against terrorism. He notes that, while militarily small, their contributions are politically significant and represent a critical breakthrough in how Germany and Japan define their roles in world politics.
Part C. Asia
11. Korea’s Place in the Axis, Victor D. Cha, Foreign Affairs, May/June 2002
In his 2002 State of the Union address, President George W. Bush identified North Korea as part of an axis of evil along with Iraq and Iran. Victor Cha notes that this was a significant departure from the rhetoric used earlier in his administration when the idea of a diplomatic dialogue with North Korea was advanced. Cha argues that there is no contradiction here and defends the Bush administration’s policy of “hawk engagement.”
12. China: Economic Power, Political Enigma, Joshua Kurlantzick, The Washington Quarterly, Summer 2002
The author asserts that in order to develop an effective China policy the Bush administration must recognize that a disconnect exists between China’s economic and diplomatic foreign policy. The former has been constructive. The latter has all but ignored the negative global implications of these actions for Asia and on the global war against terrorism.
Part D. The South
13. Be Careful What You Wish For: The Future of U.S.-Saudi Relations, F. Gregory Gause III, World Policy Journal, Spring 2002
This article examines Saudi domestic politics before and after the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks. The author is critical of those in the United States who feel that Saudi Arabia has been tepid in its support of the war against terrorism and have called for political reforms in that country. He concludes that a closer relationship between the two is not desirable.
14. Great Leap Backwards, Ahmed Rashid, Far Eastern Economic Review, April 18, 2002
Ahmed Rashid argues that the United States has no long-term political strategy, for bringing about national economic growth and political stability in Afghanistan. He fears that without a long-term strategy, ethnic divisions and Islamic fundamentalism will reassert themselves and divide Afghanistan.
15. India, Pakistan, and the Prospect of War, Alexander Evans, Current History, April 2002
Alexander Evans recounts the events of December 2001 that set the stage for a dramatic and sudden rise in tensions between India and Pakistan, both of which possess nuclear capabilities. He examines contemporary Pakistani and Indian foreign policy thinking and argues that the United States plays a crucial role in averting war in South Asia.
16. A Shaken Agenda: Bush and Latin America, Michael Shifter, Current History, February 2002
This article surveys issues in Latin America that now struggle for attention in Washington. Among them are trade, drugs, immigration, and monetary stability. Michael Shifter identifies two temptations, bullying and retreat, that need to be avoided if a constructive relationship is to be forged.
UNIT 3. The Domestic Side of American Foreign Policy
17. Imperial America and the Common Interest, James Chace, World Policy Journal, Spring 2002
James Chace discusses the American response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, in the context of the traditional way in which Americans think about national security. Central to this outlook is the conviction that absolute security is an attainable goal. He also links it to the American penchant for unilateralism in foreign policy undertakings.
18. Foreign Policy: It Works at Home, The Economist, April 20, 2002
This article examines the domestic political calculations behind President Bush’s foreign policy, with special attention to his Israeli policy. Rather than stemming from political pressure from the pro-Israeli lobby, Bush’s position is linked to an unlikely coalition between neoconservatives and the religious right.
19. The New Cuba Divide, Daniel P. Erikson, The National Interest, Spring 2002
For several decades, U.S. foreign policy toward Cuba was dominated by the lobbying efforts of staunchly anti-Castro emigre groups. Daniel Erikson asserts that the politics of the Cuban policy are changing. Not only is the Cuban emigre community more divided than in the past but a coalition led by religious organizations and American farmers is working to bring an end to the U.S. trade embargo.
UNIT 4. The Institutional Context of American Foreign Policy
Part A. Law and the Court
20. The Pitfalls of Universal Jurisdiction, Henry A. Kissinger, Foreign Affairs, July/August 2001
One of the most controversial developments in the field of international law is the establishment of a permanent international criminal court. Of major concern to opponents is its relationship to the American legal system. Henry Kissinger warns that its creation may not produce international peace but simply substitute the tyranny of judges for that of governments.
21. Bad Neighbors, Doug Cassel, The American Prospect, August 27, 2001
Doug Cassel is critical of the American Servicemembers Protection Act that is designed to protect Americans from the International Criminal Court. Cassel asserts that the legislation does not protect Americans as is claimed and that opponents of the International Criminal Court (ICC) have misrepresented key provisions.
Part B. The Presidency
22. The Return of the Imperial Presidency?, Donald R. Wolfensberger, The Wilson Quarterly, Spring 2002
Following the events of September 11, 2001, many spoke of a return to the imperial presidency. Donald Wolfensberger examines the history of this concept and its roots in the excesses of Watergate and Vietnam. He warns against investing the idea of an imperial presidency with too great an aura of legitimacy.
Part C. Congress
23. The Folk Who Live on the Hill, James Kitfield, The National Interest, Winter 1999/2000
James Kitfield examines the growing split within Republican congressional ranks between aging assertive internationalists and newer international minimalists. Nowhere is the gap greater than on the question of using military force. Kitfield discusses the Hutchinson Doctrine, which would place the United States behind a missile defense shield and leave peacekeeping to others.
Part D. The Bureaucracy
24. Fixing Intelligence, Richard K. Betts, Foreign Affairs, January/February 2002
Richard Betts observes that even the best intelligence systems will have big intelligence failures and that the U.S. intelligence system has generally done a good job. In this article he reveiws the merits of reform proposals. Betts maintains that the only thing worse than business as usual in the intelligence area would be naive assumptions about the potential benefits of reform.
25. Law in Order: Reconstructing U.S. National Security, William Wechsler, The National Interest, Spring 2002
The core argument made in this article is that few tools of U.S. foreign policy are as consistently overlooked as is law enforcement. To illustrate this point, the author examines the complex set of foreign policy issues that involve international criminal organizations.
UNIT 5. The Foreign Policy-Making Process
26. Outmaneuvered, Outgunned, and Out of View: Test Ban Debacle, Stephen I. Schwartz, Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, January/February 2000
Policy making occurs in Congress as well as in the White House. This essay examines the political maneuvering that took place in Congress leading up to the vote to reject the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty in October 1999. Author Stephen Schwartz is critical of the Clinton administration’s handling of the vote.
27. Powell vs. the Pentagon: Is Defense Thwarting State’s Efforts Toward a Mideast Peace?, Alan Sipress, Washington Post National Weekly Edition, May 6–12, 2002
This article highlights the internal conflicts that drive the question-making process in the Bush administration on the Arab-Israeli question. At its core is a dispute between Secretary of State Colin Powell and forces allied with Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld and Vice President Dick Cheney. Powell has been the loser in this battle.
28. At Camp David, Advise and Dissent, Bob Woodward and Dan Balz, Washington Post, January 31, 2002
This article recounts one full day of decision making inside the Bush administration following the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. It begins with Director of Central Intelligence (DCI) George Tenet making a case for CIA covert action in Afghanistan, and goes on to chronicle the positions advocated by Powell, Rumsfeld, and other key decision makers.
UNIT 6. U.S. International Economic Strategy
29. Global Petro-Politics: The Foreign Policy Implications of the Bush Administration’s Energy Plan, Michael T. Klare, Current History, March 2002
Michael Klare asserts that President Bush’s energy plan introduced in May 2001 increases the amount of foreign oil coming into the United States by 50 percent. He examines the implications of this for United States national security policy through a survey of regional politics in the Middle East, the Caspian Sea, Latin America, and Africa.
30. Oiling the Wheels of War, Michael T. Klare, The Nation, October 7, 2002
Michael Klare questions the merits of invading Iraq in this article.
31. The U.S. Trade Deficit: A Dangerous Obsession, Joseph Quinlan and Marc Chandler, Foreign Affairs, May/June 2001
A large trade deficit has become a persistent feature of U.S. trade policy. To many it is an important indicator of the health of the U.S. economy. The authors assert that this is incorrect and that the trade balance is no longer a valid index for measuring American global competitiveness. The United States is better positioned than ever to compete in the global marketplace.
32. Can Foreign Aid Help Stop Terrorism?, Carol Graham, Brookings Review, Summer 2002
Carol Graham identifies a series of conceptual and practical problems that stand in the way of using foreign aid programs to prevent terrorism. First, the cause-and-effect link between terrorism and economic development is not straightforward. Second, even if this link is established, it is still unclear what role foreign aid can play in reducing poverty. Graham concludes with a series of do’s and don’ts in trying to fight terrorism with foreign aid.
UNIT 7. U.S. Military Strategy
Part A. The Use of Military Strategy
33. The Threats America Faces, John Newhouse, World Policy Journal, Summer 2002
John Newhouse presents an overview of the types of threats that American military planners must take into account in acquiring weapons and formulating strategies. Included in this list are nuclear weapons, dirty bombs, cruise missiles, rogue states, plus an array of lower-profile threats. Newhouse calls for abandoning a me-first strategic policy and adopting a policy of sustained multilateralism to meet these challenges.
34. Next Stop Baghdad?, Kenneth M. Pollack, Foreign Affairs, March/April 2002
According to the author, there are no good policy options toward Iraq. Neither containment nor deterrence have worked or hold the promise of working. After reviewing existing policy options, Pollack calls for invading Iraq and ending Saddam Hussein’s rule.
35. Musclebound: The Limits of U.S. Power, Stephen M. Walt, Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, March/April 1999
The extraordinary power position of the United States does not guarantee that it can achieve its objectives. Among the reasons for this are that other states may care more about an issue than does the United States, other states fear U.S. hegemony, and the United States has pursued an overly ambitious set of goals.
36. Keeping Track of Anthrax: The Case for a Biosecurity Convention, Michael Barletta, Amy Sands, and Jonathan B. Tucker, Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, May/June 2002
Efforts to deal with the acquisition and use of biological weapons have stalled. The authors call upon the Bush administration to take the lead in injecting new life into this cause. They recommend a policy that involves both enhancing national regulations that control and secure dangerous materials and launching new international negotiations to create a biosecurity treaty.
37. Return of the Nuclear Debate, Leon Fuerth, The Washington Quarterly, Autumn 2001
Leon Fuerth presents 10 assumptions that underlie the Bush administration’s thinking on nuclear weapons and arms control. He argues that when the concept of strategic stability is applied to this policy line it is found wanting. He concludes by presenting the outlines of an alternative policy and calling for a national debate.
38. Deterrence and the ABM: Retreading the Old Calculus, Robert A. Levine, World Policy Journal, Fall 2001
This article shows that the debate over the construction of a national ballistic missile defense system is in many ways a repeat of earlier debates over deterrence and the ABM. Robert Levine recaps these debates and examines what they tell us about protecting the United States today. He concludes with a pro and con analysis of the security potential offered by a missile defense system.
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