Ellipsis in Comparatives

The present monograph defends a new, semantically transparentaccount of the comparative construction, which incorporates novelanalyses of various phenomena related to the complex interdependenciesbetween word-order, ellipsis and interpretation. In particular, thestudy discusses the implications of two central hypotheses: (i)Comparative Deletion and Comparative Ellipsis do not representconstruction specific operations, but can be subsumed under standardlysanctioned movement and deletion processes. (ii) Phrasal comparativesare not-base-generated, but derive from a clausal source.

Chapter 1 Introduction

1

(8)

1. Synopsis of chapter 2: Comparative Deletion

2

(3)

2. Synopsis of chapters 3 and 4: Comparative Ellipsis

5

(4)

Chapter 2 Comparative Deletion

9

(80)

1. Introduction

9

(5)

1.1. Locality and the identification of ellipsis

10

(1)

1.2. Semantic approaches towards CD-resolution

11

(3)

2. Identification of CD in syntax

14

(8)

2.1. Disjoint reference effects

14

(3)

2.2. Reflexives and reciprocals

17

(1)

2.3. Coordinate Structure Constraint

18

(4)

3. The syntax of NP-comparatives

22

(29)

3.1. The Degree Phrase

22

(3)

3.2. Against extraposition of the than-XP

25

(4)

3.3. A new structure for prenominal AP's

29

(9)

3.3.1. Low attachment of the than-XP

30

(7)

3.3.2. Low attachment of the degree variable

37

(1)

3.4. A new analysis of Comparative Deletion

38

(13)

3.4.1. Head Raising

38

(2)

3.4.2. Head raising and comparatives

40

(6)

3.4.3. Four direct consequences of AP-Raising

46

(5)

4. The semantics of NP-comparatives

51

(6)

4.1. The representation of gradable adjectives

52

(1)

4.2. Interpreting the comparative complement

53

(3)

4.3. Interpreting the matrix clause

56

(1)

5. Prenominal vs. postnominal comparatives

57

(10)

5.1. Variable size of the CD-site

57

(4)

5.2. Upper bound on the size of the CD-site

61

(1)

5.3. Intersective and subsective readings

62

(3)

5.4. Reconstruction and Principle C

65

(2)

6. Semantic properties of the CD-site

67

(19)

6.1. Weak and Strong Crossover

67

(6)

6.2. De dicto readings

73

(16)

6.2.1. The operator binds an e-type trace

74

(3)

6.2.2. The operator binds an [e,t]-type trace 75

6.2.3. Against existential closure in semantics

77

(9)

6.2.4. The operator binds an [[e,t],t>-type trace 81

7. Move Alpha without Form Chain

86

(3)

Chapter 3 Comparative Ellipsis

89

(96)

1. Introduction

89

(5)

1.1. Comparative Ellipsis: the CR-Hypothesis

91

(1)

1.2. Phrasal comparatives: the PC-Hypothesis

92

(2)

1.3. Outline

94

(1)

2. The Weak CR-Hypothesis

94

(20)

2.1. Goals and preliminaries

94

(3)

2.2. Gapping in coordination and in comparatives

97

(16)

2.3. Resume

113

(1)

3. The PC/CR-Hypothesis

114

(48)

3.1. Introduction: the strong CR-Hypothesis

114

(1)

3.2. Categorizing the evidence

115

(3)

3.3. Internal conditions and the shape of the than-XP

118

(12)

3.3.1. Internal conditions on Gapping: PCs vs. PRCs

119

(5)

3.3.2. Hankamer's Puzzle

124

(3)

3.3.3. The distribution of prepositions

127

(3)

3.3.4. Resume and outlook

130

(1)

3.4. Identifying the external conditions

130

(11)

3.4.1. Gapping and *Embedding

133

(4)

3.4.2. RNR and *Embedding

137

(1)

3.4.3. Intraposition and extraposition

138

(3)

3.5. External conditions and the position of than-XPs

141

(10)

3.5.1. The position of PCs

141

(3)

3.5.2. Comparing the distribution of PCs and PRCs

144

(3)

3.5.3. Influence of matrix V2

147

(4)

3.6. ATB movement

151

(4)

Appendix: Object and adjunct comparatives

155

(7)

1. Regular object/adjunct comparatives

155

(4)

2. Irregular subject comparatives

159

(3)

4. Additional restrictions on Comparative Coordination

162

(17)

4.1. A problem for the analysis

162

(1)

4.2. Assumptions: clause structure, CDSC and CSC

163

(3)

4.3. Big conjuncts: AgrSP-coordination

166

(5)

4.4. Intermediate conjuncts: TP-coordination

171

(7)

4.5. Small conjuncts: AspP/VP-coordination

178

(1)

5. Re-evaluation of counter arguments

179

(3)

6. Summary

182

(3)

Chapter 4 Comparative Coordination

185

(44)

1. Introduction

185

(1)

2. Deriving the coordinate parse

185

(13)

2.1. Structural ambiguity and TR

186

(4)

2.2. TR and the size of ellipsis

190

(8)

3. Testing the TR-analysis

198

(20)

3.1. Binding scope and the size of ellipsis

199

(5)

3.2. The PC-Hypothesis and direct analyses

204

(14)

3.2.1. Heim (1985)

204

(3)

3.2.2. An argument against a direct analysis

207

(11)

4. Coordination vs. subordination

218

(11)

4.1. Coordination: syntactic vs. semantic conditions

218

(6)

4.2. Conditions on subordination and coordination

224

(5)

Chapter 5 Conclusion

229

(6)

1. The AP-Raising Hypothesis

229

(3)

2. The PC/CR-Hypothesis

232

(3)

Notes

235

(28)

References

263

(16)

Subject index

279

(4)

Author index

283

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Ellipsis in Comparatives

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