Universals of Sound Change in Nasalization

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ISBN: 9780631204565 | 0631204563
Cover: Paperback
Copyright: 2/4/1998

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This book is the first detailed study since the 1970s of the characteristics of distinctive nasalization in sound change. Relying on copious cross-linguistic and experimental phonetic data, it evaluates the accuracy of universalist claims about nasalization phenomena, as well as the ability or otherwise of phonological formalism since the 1980s to describe sound change properly. It also examines the extent to which sound change is influenced by prosodic factors. Language data used in the study is drawn from around the world, with special focus given to historical developments in the Romance dialects of Northern Italy.

List of Figures

xii

(1)

List of Tables

xiii

(1)

Note on Transcription and Abbreviations

xiv

Introduction

(3)

Chapter 1 Sound Change and Language Universals: Representations and Models of Change

(28)

1.1 Introduction

(8)

1.1.1 Phonetics, phonology and the non-randomness of sound change

(1)

1.1.2 Language-like vs. logically possible substantive constraints on formal representations

(2)

1.1.3 What is a universal?

(2)

1.1.4 Diachrony and synchrony

(2)

1.1.5 Diachrony and directionality

(1)

1.2 Sound Change, Linguistic Structure and Lexical Phonology

(13)

1.2.1 The articulo-perceptual basis of sound change

(2)

1.2.1.1 A modified articulo-perceptual model of sound change

(3)

1.2.1.2 Sound change, experimental phonetics, teleology, and synchronic variation

(2)

1.3 Phonological Representations

(6)

1.3.1 The diachronic adequacy of autosegmental representation

(2)

1.3.2 The feature [nasal]

(2)

1.4 Conclusion

(1)

Chapter 2 The Data Base and Language Sampling: Methodological Issues and Background

(22)

2.1 Introduction

(5)

2.1.1 Methodological issues in language sample and data

(1)

2.1.2 Typological approaches to sampling method

(3)

2.1.3 A new language sample

(2)

2.2 The Principle of Diachronic Extrapolation

(15)

2.2.1 Latin and Post-Latin

(1)

2.2.2 Description of sample members

(1)

2.2.2.1 Latin

(4)

2.2.2.2 The Northern Italian dialects

(3)

2.2.3 Choosing the sample

(1)

2.2.3.1 Lombard: Milanese and Bergamese

(2)

2.2.3.2 Ligurian: Cairese

(1)

2.2.3.3 Emilian-Romagnol

(1)

2.2.3.4 Romagnol: Imolese, Lughese, Ravennate, Riminese

(1)

2.2.3.5 Bolognese

(1)

2.2.3.6 Rhaeto-Romance: Tavetschan

(1)

2.3 Conclusion

(2)

Chapter 3 Distinctive Vowel Nasalization and Rule Ordering

(29)

3.1 Introduction

(2)

3.1.1 Synchronic approaches to distinctive nasalization

(1)

3.1.2 The diachronic approach to distinctive nasalization

(1)

3.2 The N-DEL Model

(6)

3.2.1 Coalescence

(1)

3.2.2 Other versions of the N-DEL model

(1)

3.2.3 The Floating Nasal

(2)

3.2.4 N-attenuation

(1)

3.2.5 Ohalan Phonetic

(1)

3.3 The V-NAS Model

(7)

3.3.1 A new V-NAS model

(1)

3.3.1.1 The hyperarticulated V-NAS model: a digression

(1)

3.3.2 The nature of the new V-NAS model

(1)

3.3.2.1 Low-level regressive coarticulatory nasalization

(1)

3.3.2.2 Low-level vs. language-specific contextual nasalization

(2)

3.3.2.3 Language-specific vs. categorical rules in the post-lexical phonology

(1)

3.4 Comparing Models

(6)

3.4.1 The new V-NAS model and N-deletion

(1)

3.4.2 Degemination

(2)

3.4.3 Nasal dissimilation

(1)

3.4.4 Total cluster assimilation

(1)

3.4.4.1 Partial and complete denasalization

(1)

3.5 Distinctive Nasalization without Attenuation, Attrition or Deletion

(7)

3.5.1 Diachronic and synchronic aspects of VN vs. V$N

(3)

3.5.2 The implications for sound change and Lexical Phonology

(1)

3.5.3 Local vs. prosodic nasalization

(2)

3.6 Conclusions

(1)

Chapter 4 Universal Features of Vowel Nasalization and N-Deletion: The Effect of Vowel Length, Stress and the Foot

(33)

4.1 Introduction

(11)

4.1.1 The graduality of distinctive nasalization

(1)

4.1.2 Vowel length, nasalization and N-deletion

(4)

4.1.3 The Vowel Length Parameter

(1)

4.1.4 Phonetic evidence for the Vowel Length Parameter

(3)

4.1.5 Short nasal vowels, their origins and behaviour

(2)

4.2 Stress and Distinctive Nasalization

(10)

4.2.1 The effect of stressed vs. unstressed position

(2)

4.2.2 Pretonic vs. post-tonic position

(5)

4.2.3 Explaining the Tonic is much greater than Atonic stress parameter

101

(3)

4.3 Distinctive Nasalization and the Stress Foot

104

(11)

4.3.1 Oxytones, paroxytones and proparoxytones

106

(1)

4.3.2 Oxytonic distinctive nasalization

106

(2)

4.3.3 Proparoxytonic (antepenultimate) vs. paroxytonic (penultimate) position

108

(1)

4.3.4 A possible Foot Parameter

109

(1)

4.3.5 An explanation for the Foot Parameter

110

(2)

4.3.6 Oxytonic vowels in Italy: long or short?

112

(2)

4.3.7 Proparoxytonic vowel length

114

(1)

4.4 Conclusions

115

(1)

Chapter 5 Vowel Height, Vowel Quality and the Development of Distinctive Nasalization

116

(21)

5.1 Introduction

116

(8)

5.1.1 Universalists and vowel height

116

(1)

5.1.2 Evidence in support of the VHP: Old French

117

(2)

5.1.3 Evidence in support of the VHP in other languages

119

(2)

5.1.4 Developments in Northern Italian

121

(2)

5.1.5 Cross-linguistic counter-examples to the VHP

123

(1)

5.2 Phonetic Explanations for a Possible Vowel-Height Effect on the Development of Distinctive Nasalization

124

(6)

5.2.1 Vowel height and articulatory correlates of vowel nasalization

124

(1)

5.2.2 The velic opening hypothesis

125

(2)

5.2.3 Relative duration of vowel nasalization

127

(1)

5.2.4 Nasal airflow and nasal sound pressure levels

128

(2)

5.3 Vowel Height and the Perception of Nasalization

130

(3)

5.3.1 Evidence for a high is much greater than low parameter

130

(2)

5.3.2 Perceptual evidence for a low is much greater than high parameter

132

(1)

5.3.3 Evidence against a Vowel Height Parameter

133

(1)

5.4 Nasalization, N-deletion and Front vs. Back Vowels

133

(2)

5.4.1 Experimental evidence for a front vs. back distinction

134

(1)

5.5 Conclusions

135

(2)

Chapter 6 Contextual Ordering of Distinctive Nasalization

137

(24)

6.1 Introduction

137

(10)

6.1.1 Universalist claims about contextual effects

137

(2)

6.1.2 Contextual effects in Northern Italian and other Romance dialects

139

(8)

6.2 [+continuant] and Contextual Parameters

147

(3)

6.3 Are Contextual Parameters Universal?

150

(3)

6.3.1 Non-Romance counter-examples to the revised context parameter

152

(1)

6.3.2 Conclusions about universal contextual parameters

152

(1)

6.4 Explanations for the Contextual Parameters: A Role for the Vowel-Length Parameter?

153

(6)

6.4.1 Phonetic explanations for the contextual parameters

156

(1)

6.4.1.1 Nasal+Fricative clusters

156

(2)

6.4.1.2 Devoicing and N-deletion

158

(1)

6.4.1.3 The voicing contrast in N+Stop clusters

158

(1)

6.5 Conclusion

159

(2)

Chapter 7 Historical Development of Nasal Consonants and the Effect of N Place on Distinctive Nasalization

161

(19)

7.1 Introduction

161

(8)

7.1.1 Place of articulation, nasalization and N-deletion

161

(3)

7.1.2 Developments in Northern Italian

164

(4)

7.1.3 N-deletion elsewhere in the Romance-speaking area

168

(1)

7.2 N-Fortition and the Story of /m/

169

(3)

7.3 N Place, Distinctive Nasalization and N-Fortition in Northern Italy: Phonological and Phonetic Explanations for Interaction

172

(6)

7.3.1 N-fortition and secondary gemination of /m/ in Bolognese

176

(2)

7.4 Conclusions

178

(2)

Chapter 8 N-Deletion: Its Manner and Its Motivation

180

(23)

8.1 Introduction

180

(14)

8.1.1 Feature geometry and N-attrition

180

(2)

8.1.2 Skeletal slot deletion and temporal reduction

182

(2)

8.1.3 Root-Node deletion, Supralaryngeal Node deletion and Compensatory Lengthening

184

(3)

8.1.4 Non-temporal reduction

187

(1)

8.1.5 Deletion of the place node

188

(1)

8.1.6 Voicing assimilation and devoicing

189

(1)

8.1.7 Manner assimilation

190

(1)

8.1.8 Place shift and velarization

191

(2)

8.1.8.1 The development of [Eta] in Northern Italian

193

(1)

8.2 Syllable Structure Effects as a Rationale for N-deletion

194

(7)

8.2.1 A syllable account of N-deletion in Northern and Southern Italian

197

(1)

8.2.1.1 N-deletion and the syllabic template in Northern Italian

197

(2)

8.2.1.2 The syllabic template in Sardinian and Corsican

199

(2)

8.3 Conclusions

201

(2)

Chapter 9 Results and Conclusions

203

(12)

9.1 Introduction

203

(1)

9.2 Distinctive Nasalization and Universal Parameters of Sound Change

204

(9)

9.2.1 Areo-genetic bias in the Northern Italian sample

205

(1)

9.2.2 The ramifications of non-universality

205

(2)

9.2.3 Ordering constraints and parametric interaction

207

(2)

9.2.4 Phonetics and phonology

209

(1)

9.2.5 Sound change and the grammar

210

(1)

9.2.6 Distinctive nasalization and the formalism

210

(2)

9.2.7 Distinctive nasalization vs. fortition

212

(1)

9.3 Directions for Future Research

213

(2)

Notes

215

(12)

Bibliography

227

(20)

Indexes

247

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Universals of Sound Change in Nasalization

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